By A Concerned Papua New Guinean

The 2022 Papua New Guinea elections were marred by violence and ill-preparation, casting a shadow over the constitutional integrity of the electoral process. The role of the Electoral Commissioner, Simon Sinai, has come under scrutiny, with allegations of significant constitutional breaches. This analysis aims to unravel the complexities and implications of these purported missteps.

1. Late Appointment of Electoral Officials

Sinai's decision to appoint Returning Officers (ROs) and Assistant Returning Officers (AROs) at the last minute proved detrimental. ROs, responsible for tasks such as validating and updating common rolls, were appointed too late, receiving training only on the eve of voting. This delay likely compromised their ability to manage the elections effectively.

2. Mismanagement of Opening of Writs

The extension of the Opening of Writs, following the unexpected death of late Basil, was controversial. A National Gazette issued by Sinai was deemed invalid as it should have been issued by the Governor-General (GG), not the EC. This procedural error potentially invalidated nominations post-May 19, thereby throwing the legitimacy of the entire electoral process into question.

3. Failure to Appoint Election Advisory Committee

The absence of the Election Advisory Committee, typically composed of independent experts, is alarming. Their role is critical in determining the validity of an election. The lack of this committee raises questions about the constitutional validity of the EC's decisions to fail elections in certain regions.

4. Removal of Section 153A Powers

Sinai's decision to withdraw powers granted under Section 153A of the Organic Law, which allowed Returning Officers to adjudicate disputed ballot boxes, led to confusion and potential legal challenges. This centralization of power to the EC, instead of the ROs, who are closer to the ground realities, likely complicated and delayed the counting process.

5. Misinterpretation of the Authority to Extend Writ Return Dates

The EC's assumption that he had the authority to extend the date for the return of writs beyond the constitutional deadline further demonstrates a misunderstanding of his legal powers. This action, which goes against the clear guidelines set out in the Constitution, threatens the constitutional legitimacy of the government formed post-elections.

Conclusion

The 2022 elections in Papua New Guinea, under the stewardship of Simon Sinai, have been marked by a series of constitutional violations. These actions have not only undermined the democratic process but also raised significant concerns about the future of electoral integrity in the country. The need for a thorough investigation and possibly a Commission of Inquiry is evident, alongside urgent reforms to prevent such failures in future elections. The cost, both socially and economically, of these alleged constitutional sins cannot be understated, with the potential to fuel further unrest and legal disputes in an already tense political climate.

The US-PNG Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) is a pivotal arrangement that demands an understanding of the broader geopolitical landscape. Papua New Guinea (PNG), strategically located in a region of growing significance, must navigate through a complex matrix of national security, regional stability, and international relations. The DCA with the United States is a critical piece in this intricate puzzle, reflecting the need to balance diverse and sometimes conflicting interests.

Criticism of the DCA often arises from a perceived disregard for public opinion in PNG. However, while public sentiment is vital in a democratic setup, the underpinnings of defence pacts often involve multi-layered considerations. These include addressing security threats, regional alliances, and long-term national interests, which may not always be transparent or understandable to the general public, yet are instrumental in shaping such agreements.

Re-evaluating the DCA involves a careful analysis of its potential benefits and risks for PNG. The agreement could enhance PNG's defence capabilities, access to advanced military technology, and a stronger role in regional security. Conversely, concerns about increased militarization, entanglement in larger geopolitical conflicts, and the impact on PNG's autonomy cannot be overlooked.

Comparisons with regions like Okinawa, which have a significant US military presence, provide valuable insights. However, each defence agreement is unique, influenced by distinct political, cultural, and historical contexts. PNG must draw lessons from these global experiences while forging a path that aligns with its specific needs and aspirations.

A notable critique of the DCA is the perceived lack of transparency and public involvement. Enhancing dialogue among the government, defence officials, and the public is crucial. Transparent communication about the agreement's objectives, terms, and consequences could bridge the gap between governmental actions and public apprehensions.

The crux of re-evaluating the DCA lies in balancing PNG's sovereignty with the benefits of global partnerships. PNG must ensure that this agreement supports its national interests and fosters cooperative international relationships, without compromising its autonomy and long-term development goals.

Re-evaluating the US-PNG Defence Cooperation Agreement requires a thorough understanding of its strategic implications, a balanced assessment of its pros and cons, learning from global examples, promoting open dialogue, and focusing on PNG's sovereignty and development objectives. This comprehensive approach is essential for PNG to navigate the complexities of modern-day geopolitics effectively.

In the realm of political discourse, especially on social media platforms, the travel habits of Prime Minister James Marape have sparked a fiery debate. His latest expedition, a journey to San Francisco for the APEC Economic Leaders meeting from November 11-17, 2023, is no exception. This trip, like others, involves an extended entourage, raising questions about the necessity and implications of such frequent overseas engagements.

The role of Papua New Guinea (PNG) in forums like APEC cannot be understated, especially considering the country's dire need for foreign direct investment amidst looming budget constraints and the impending vote of no confidence. Full representation in these international forums seems imperative. However, this brings us to the question of the Prime Minister's travel prerogatives. Indeed, as the leader of the nation, travel is part and parcel of the job, with a designated budget for such engagements.

Yet, the issue transcends mere budgetary allocations. The crux of the matter lies in the discernment of these travels - are they a matter of necessity or convenience? The Prime Minister's travel entourage often raises eyebrows, with the inclusion of figures like the controversial foreign minister, his family members, and other associates, all of whom incur expenses covered by the state. These costs, encompassing food, lodging, car rentals, and other incidentals, are borne by the taxpayers.

Comparatively, former Prime Ministers like Sir Mekere Morauta and Peter O'Neill exhibited fiscal restraint in their travel decisions, prioritizing national financial stability. Similarly, GC Sir Michael Somare, Sir Rabbie Namaliu, Sir Julius Chan, and Pias Wingti were known for their judicious travel choices, often accompanied by minimal delegations.

In stark contrast, Prime Minister Marape’s tenure has been marked by frequent and seemingly unceasing international travel, earning him the moniker of a globetrotting head of state. This raises questions about the nature of these trips. Are they driven by genuine diplomatic or economic necessity, or do they serve as convenient distractions from domestic issues? The perception that these travels might be leveraged for personal political gain or to placate political adversaries cannot be ignored.

As the nation observes the Prime Minister’s travel patterns, the discourse naturally gravitates towards the principles of leadership and moral obligation. A leader of high moral standing would arguably weigh the pros and cons of each trip, considering both the monetary cost and the opportunity cost, prioritizing the national interest above all.

While the Prime Minister's right to travel is indisputable, the necessity, frequency, and intent behind these travels warrant a closer examination. The balance between representing PNG on the global stage and addressing domestic concerns remains a delicate one, demanding not just fiscal prudence but also moral and ethical discernment. As PNG navigates these complex dynamics, the role of its leader in the international arena continues to be a subject of intense scrutiny and debate.

 In a controversial maneuver, Ipatas allegedly influenced certain actions involving Jeffery Balakau's supporters, leading to the destruction of crucial vote-containing containers at the Wabag Police Station. With these efforts, Pundari lost a substantial number of votes from regions like Surinki, Laiagam, Kandep, and Pogera, losing to the cheater Ipatas.

Ipatas's political tactics didn't end there; he later collaborated with Peter O'Neill and the PNC to undermine Don Polye's leadership. This partnership was seen as a strategic move to consolidate power, further illustrating Ipatas's determination to maintain control.

Critics describe Peter Ipatas as a leader reluctant to foster young leadership within Enga, often using tactics that reflect a dictatorial approach. His current political alignments, including partnerships with URP and Tomait Kapili, are seen as indicators of potential shifts in leadership, particularly concerning James Marape's tenure as Prime Minister.

While Ipatas enjoys a certain level of respect and admiration in East Enga, the sentiment is not universally shared. In West Enga, there's a notable ambivalence towards his leadership, indicating a divide in public opinion within the region.

The persistent issues in Papua New Guinea's elections are well-known to its citizens. Every election cycle, the same problems recur, deeply rooted in the country's culture and practices. Political observers, local elites, and anti-corruption activists continue to investigate and expose corrupt practices, but the situation remains dire.

International organizations, such as the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and Transparency International Papua New Guinea (TIPNG), have been actively gathering reports on corruption during elections. TIPNG's reports indicate rampant corruption, with PNG failing to meet the satisfactory levels set by UNCAC.

Corruption in PNG is not just a top-level government issue but starts at the grassroots and permeates up through the structure. High-ranking government officials often engage in corrupt practices like the wantok system, bribery, vote buying, and manipulating the election process. This influences those at lower levels to also engage in corruption.

A recent example of this problem is the chaos in the Lagaip electoral ward by-election, where both national and provincial government officials, including the electoral commissioner, were involved. The controversy centered around the relocation of the counting venue, allegedly to favor a leading candidate, sparking conflict among party members and local residents.

These incidents highlight the larger issue of corruption in PNG, where the government is seen as regressing the nation, risking its future. Elections are manipulated by the government, and this abuse of power is a clear sign of a failing democracy.

Corruption also affects the voters. While they recognize corrupt practices like bribery and vote buying, many still support corrupt politicians, especially when offered jobs in return for votes. This clientelism is more pronounced among those in economic hardship, perpetuating corruption.

PNG has many laws against corruption and numerous agencies dedicated to combating it, including a new Independent Commission against Corruption. However, despite these efforts, public perception is that corruption is an unchangeable norm, and more needs to be done to change this mindset.

Many public sector agencies, including the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary and the Office of the Public Prosecutor, are involved in anti-corruption efforts. However, these agencies often lack resources and are themselves plagued by corruption, making it difficult to effectively address the issue.

In conclusion, PNG's struggle with corruption is deep-rooted and complex, involving cultural practices and systemic issues at all levels of government. More effective measures, along with a change in public perception, are crucial to address this enduring problem.

In a recent United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in New York Prime Minister Hon. James Marape said Papua New Guinea can become a food supplier to the world with its abundance of land and sea.

Nothing would have been wrong with this statement had only Marape invested in the technology and resources that had remarkably turned the scorched deserts of Isreal's countryside into the world's food bowl or Isreal a global leader in agriculture and water.

Marape’s verbal buckshot with no meaning is no different to Idi Amin's idiotic proclamation of himself as Lord of All the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Sea, and Conqueror of the British Empire in Africa in General.

Verbal diarrhoea, which satirist call it loose-stooled effluent.

Marape thinks he is saying or doing the right things and is smiling eagerly in the cameras but his jester of saying things off the cuff, impromptu and without thinking through is becoming legendary and is producing gales of laughter around the world.

Since his announcement at the 77th UNGA in New York on September 23, 2022 Marape made no effort in investing in agriculture or inviting new international development partners to work with PNG in the agriculture sector, particularly in downstream processing.

Agriculture is still hanging in that vacuum like all his other false promises - Pogera, Papuan LNG, turning PNG into an all powerful black, rich Wakanda in 10 years etc..Talking is easy for Marape but rolling up the sleeves and walking the talk has never been in his DNA.

To date the National Agriculture Sector Plan 2024 - 2033 developed by some of the country's best does not have a diver to lead and take it to the desired destination they charted. It lacks both the political will and technical expertise to move forward.

by MICHAEL J. PASSINGAN 

In a recent event that highlighted the complexities of international diplomacy and governance, Papua New Guinea's Prime Minister, James Marape, faced a challenging situation during his appearance at the Lowy Institute in Sydney, Australia. The Lowy Institute, known for its role as an independent think tank focusing on international policy, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region, provided a platform for a candid assessment of Marape's governance.

Following his formal address, Marape engaged in a dialogue with Dr. Michael Fullilove AM, the Executive Director of the Institute. Dr. Fullilove, a respected figure in public and international policy, scrutinized Marape's past promises and statements, contrasting them with the current state of affairs in Papua New Guinea (PNG).

The discussion took a critical turn as Dr. Fullilove revisited Marape's 2019 speech at the same venue, where Marape had outlined his vision for PNG in a speech titled “A New Book for Papua New Guinea.” The contrast between the promises made then and the current reality in PNG, especially regarding economic and security issues, was stark. This juxtaposition was not lost on the audience, as the Lowy Institute had published multiple reports on these subjects.

A key moment occurred when Dr. Fullilove questioned Marape about internal security in PNG and the assistance needed under a recent security pact with Australia. Marape's response, marked by visible discomfort and evasive maneuvers, suggested a failure to address significant law and order issues that he had pledged to tackle four years earlier.

The Prime Minister's apparent lack of composure and his struggle to articulate responses were noted by attendees. Observers commented on his frequent use of the word 'space', perceived forced smiles, and body language that betrayed his discomfort. This moment was seen as emblematic of broader issues within PNG's leadership and governance, raising questions about Marape's ability to fulfill his commitments and effectively lead the nation.

Marape's appearance at the Lowy Institute thus turned into a sobering reflection on his leadership. His difficulty in addressing critical questions and defending his record suggested a gap between his rhetoric and the realities of governance in PNG. The event underscored the challenges leaders face when their public promises are held up against their actual performance, particularly in the international arena.

This incident also highlights the essential role of think tanks and independent institutions in facilitating critical dialogues and holding public figures accountable. The event at the Lowy Institute serves as a reminder of the famous quote attributed to Abraham Lincoln: "You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you can not fool all of the people all of the time."

Marape's experience at the Lowy Institute is a case study in the complexities of political leadership and the importance of integrity and accountability in public office. It also reflects the intricate dynamics of international relations and the influence of policy institutes in shaping public discourse.

Dominic Kaumu's appointment as NAC's acting MD/CEO is not just a routine administrative change but raises profound questions about the criteria and merit used by Minister Schnaubelt in his selection process. According to a Post Courier article, Kaumu asserted, “I was one of the officers who has been serving in NAC for long years and I’m not new to deliver.” However, this statement appears to be a gross misrepresentation. Records and reports indicate that Kaumu has never been previously employed at NAC, nor at the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) or the Department of Civil Aviation (DCA) before this recent appointment. This revelation casts a shadow over Kaumu's claim of being an experienced insider within the organization and raises doubts about his familiarity with the intricacies of airport operations.

The fact that an acting MD/CEO has made such a misleading public statement is alarming and speaks volumes about his character and suitability for this critical role. It seems indicative of a pattern under Minister Schnaubelt’s tenure, where appointments appear to be more about cronyism than competence. Such decisions are crucial, especially for an organization as highly regulated and vital to national infrastructure as NAC.

Furthermore, Kaumu's recent candidacy in the 2022 general elections under the National Alliance party—led by Schnaubelt—adds another layer of concern. Legally, Kaumu is barred from holding public office until a five-year period has elapsed since his political candidacy. This circumstance further muddies the waters around his appointment and suggests potential conflicts of interest, possibly hinting at political favoritism rather than a merit-based selection.

Under Schnaubelt's leadership, the aviation industry has witnessed a concerning trend: the rapid turnover of acting MDs at NAC, with Kaumu being the fourth in a short span. This revolving door of leadership, marked by the tenures of Kiponge, Tupiri, Kintau, and now Kaumu, has coincided with a lack of progress in addressing critical compliance issues at airports across the nation. This instability at the top echelons of NAC's management could be a contributing factor to the ongoing challenges faced by the organization.

The state of airport infrastructure and services under Schnaubelt’s watch has been deteriorating, not improving. The closure of two national airports, Nadzab and Kiungu, due to non-compliance issues, which remain unresolved to date, is a testament to the worsening situation in the industry. The frequent changes in leadership, seemingly motivated by personal interests rather than the public good, have not only hindered progress but have also potentially allowed for exploitative practices that serve individual gains rather than national interests.

The Prime Minister, James Marape, now faces a crucial decision regarding Minister Schnaubelt’s future. The mounting evidence of incompetence, the potential for conflict of interest, and the lack of effective leadership in the aviation sector make a compelling case for Schnaubelt’s dismissal. Keeping him in office might only exacerbate the challenges facing the aviation industry, further destabilizing an already fragile sector. The time has come for decisive action to restore confidence, integrity, and competence in the management of Papua New Guinea's aviation industry.

As Port Moresby reels from the recent riots and the crippling aftermath that has left major supermarkets in ashes, it's crucial to delve deeper into the underlying causes of this economic turmoil. Central to this discourse is the role of PNG's Minister for Treasury, Mr. Ian Ling-Stuckey, whose recent budgetary decisions and overall economic management are now under intense scrutiny. This article aims to explore how Ling-Stuckey's policies have contributed to the current crisis and what this means for the residents of Port Moresby.

The Crux of the Crisis:

The week that should have marked a triumph for any Treasurer, showcasing a year’s efforts and outlining future prospects, turned into a debacle for Ling-Stuckey. His performance not only raised questions about his competence but also cast a shadow on the Marape Government’s economic credentials. The failure to table critical budget documents, the introduction of new, substantial taxes without adequate public consultation, and the resultant increase in the financial burden on families have contributed significantly to the unrest and instability we witness today.

Taxation without Explanation:

A pivotal issue has been the introduction of new taxes, particularly on corporations with significant market power, like BSP and Digicel. This move, perceived as a cash grab, is likely to have a domino effect, increasing costs for consumers and impacting sectors like superannuation, leading to reduced payouts for retirees. The lack of transparency and public consultation in implementing these taxes has been a critical point of contention, fueling public dissent and distrust.

Budget Mismanagement:

The recent budget, marked by a significant deficit and increased public debt, reflects a continuation of the financial policies that have strained PNG's economy. Ling-Stuckey's approach, characterized by uncontrolled expenditure and optimistic revenue assumptions based on shaky foundations, has contributed to a growing financial burden on the nation. The increase in public service wages and the opaque nature of certain budget allocations, particularly in an election year, further exacerbate the economic challenges.

Impact on Port Moresby:

For residents of Port Moresby, these macroeconomic issues translate into real and immediate hardships. The increase in taxes and the overall economic mismanagement contribute to higher costs of living, reduced job security, and a strained public service system. The recent payroll issue that sparked the riots is a direct outcome of these broader economic policies and their mismanagement.

The article by Mitch Renagi suggests that Ling-Stuckey and his team of advisors, including foreign consultants, have failed to effectively manage the nation's finances. Their approach has been criticized for being non-participatory and lacking in transparency, undermining democratic processes and public trust. The call for Ling-Stuckey’s resignation or dismissal by Prime Minister Marape reflects the extent of dissatisfaction with his performance.

As Port Moresby struggles to recover from the recent unrest, understanding the role of economic policies and their impact on everyday life becomes crucial. The actions and decisions of Treasury Minister Ian Ling-Stuckey have had far-reaching consequences, contributing to the current crisis. It is a stark reminder of the interconnectedness of national policies and local realities. For the residents of Port Moresby, the way forward requires not just resilience and adaptability but also a keen awareness of the economic forces shaping their city.

The recent appointment of Donald Yamasombi as the Controller of the National State of Emergency, as reported by the Post Courier, adds another dimension to the controversies surrounding him. Given the complex backdrop of allegations against him, his new role as the emergency controller raises several concerns.

Yamasombi's appointment as the emergency controller places him in a highly authoritative position, especially during a national crisis. His role involves making critical decisions and ensuring public order, which demands a high level of public trust and integrity. However, the backdrop of allegations regarding his connections to criminal networks and political ties casts doubt on his suitability for such a pivotal role.

Yamasombi's alleged ties with Chinese Triad gangs, drug smugglers, and political figures could potentially affect his impartiality and effectiveness as an emergency controller. The position requires unbiased enforcement of laws and regulations, especially during sensitive operations like controlling civil disobedience or misinformation campaigns on the internet. His ability to perform these duties without prejudice is crucial for maintaining public trust during a state of emergency.

The handling of the Jamie Pang case is a critical reflection of Yamasombi's leadership and the broader law enforcement system. The case highlights gaps in PNG’s legal framework regarding drug offenses and raises questions about law enforcement tactics, particularly in light of Yamasombi’s comments about the new Controlled Substances Act.

The controversies surrounding Yamasombi underscore the need for mechanisms ensuring integrity and accountability within law enforcement, including thorough investigations of misconduct, transparent reporting, and effective oversight.

In his recent warning against using the internet to incite mobs or engage in civil disobedience, Yamasombi highlighted the importance of responsible use of digital platforms during emergencies. However, the effectiveness of such measures might be questioned if the public perceives a lack of integrity or impartiality in the person leading these efforts. The role demands not only enforcing laws but also ensuring that the rights to free speech and information are respected, balancing security concerns with civil liberties.

Given the severity of the allegations against him, there is a heightened need for transparent and accountable leadership from Yamasombi in his role as the emergency controller. His actions and decisions should be closely monitored and subjected to scrutiny to ensure they align with the principles of justice and fairness.

The complexities of Donald Yamasombi's role as the emergency controller in the context of his controversial background present a challenging scenario. It is essential for the relevant authorities and the public to remain vigilant and demand high standards of accountability and transparency in his actions. As Papua New Guinea navigates through its state of emergency, the leadership qualities of those at the helm, including Yamasombi, are of paramount importance.

While expressing his admiration for the initiative's goal of building high-quality infrastructure, Peter O’Neill also conveyed his strong support for Prime Minister James Marape's efforts to develop the nation and connect its people. However, he found it profoundly disturbing to witness the systematic and extensive flow of taxpayer funds and donor contributions through Connect PNG, branding it as the largest and most prolific money laundering scheme in the country's history.

In a somewhat ironic observation, Peter O’Neill remarked that Connect PNG might have been aptly named because it seemingly connects taxpayers' money to political allies, potentially serving to sustain the current regime's grip on power.

Highlighting specific instances from the Department of Finance documents leaked by the courageous whistle-blower, Peter O’Neill pointed out a K13 million payment made to Ipwenz Construction on the day of the Port Moresby Riots under the guise of Connect PNG. This raised eyebrows, as the owner of Ipwenz Construction had previously been implicated in an incident during the National General Elections, where he was caught transporting cash to Tari with James Marape's son, yet no charges were filed, and the money was returned.

Peter O’Neill questioned the prioritization of this payment over crucial obligations like settling the outstanding dues to iPi Catering, a company catering to Porgera Landowners, even for feeding the soldiers. He emphasized that the government must recognize that the funds flowing through Connect PNG are derived from hard-earned taxpayer money, borrowed funds, or contributions from donors, and not their personal piggy bank.

He also accused the Marape Government and its Minister of Works of surreptitiously disbursing K350 million in urgent payments to political associates under Connect PNG on the very day the capital city was under attack, highlighting the breach of trust with the people. He stressed that Papua New Guineans are astute and resent being treated as gullible, adding that they are fully aware of the government's actions and not swayed by clever marketing.

In conclusion, Peter O’Neill asserted that both the citizens of Papua New Guinea and the global community are closely monitoring the government's actions, and he decried the exploitation of the less fortunate in the name of Connect PNG.

Why government is trying to send jobless or unemployed people back to their village, as a substitute of creating job opportunity for them.

And why government is trying to create criminal law to hurt vulnerable people in the city?

I am writing to express my unwavering support for Hon. Belden Namah as a potential candidate for Prime Minister in the upcoming Vote of No Confidence, should he choose to run. Namah has proven himself to be an outstanding leader with a deep commitment to the welfare of Papua New Guinea's citizens.

Namah's leadership is characterized by his insightful understanding of our nation's economic and social issues, demonstrating a remarkable ability to foresee and tackle challenges before they become critical. His strategic and proactive stance on governance, combined with his experience and bravery demonstrated during his military service and involvement in the Bougainville Crisis, highlight his capability to lead with courage and a forward-thinking approach.

What truly distinguishes Namah is his compelling personal journey of overcoming hardships, including his educational challenges and the compassion he received from the Moses couple. These experiences have imbued him with resilience and empathy, essential qualities for connecting with and effectively serving the populace.

Namah’s actions during the Bougainville Crisis and his continuous advocacy for the nation exemplify his patriotism and dedication. His direct and effective leadership style, informed by a profound understanding of Papua New Guinea's needs, positions him as a formidable candidate for Prime Minister.

I urge my fellow citizens to support leaders like Namah, who prioritize the country's welfare above personal interests. It is crucial for us to advocate for leadership that embodies integrity, commitment, and a sincere dedication to serving Papua New Guinea. We must encourage our Local Members to select a candidate based on merit, character, and the ability to lead our country through its current challenges.

As we face these turbulent times, it is evident that Hon. Belden Namah possesses the exceptional qualities required for effective leadership. I am confident in his ability to serve as an exemplary Prime Minister and invite others to join me in this crucial dialogue, urging our Members of Parliament to make decisions that reflect the best interests of our nation.

By M.J Passingan
In the heart of Papua New Guinea (PNG), a storm brews over the ambitious Connect PNG initiative, a program that ostensibly aims to revolutionize the nation's infrastructure landscape. What was launched with the promise of connecting remote communities and fostering economic growth has spiraled into a scandal of monumental proportions, exposing the underbelly of political maneuvering and alleged financial misconduct at the highest levels of government.

The controversy came to light when a brave whistleblower leaked Department of Finance records, revealing a staggering K350 million payment to certain Connect PNG contractors on the same day as the Port Moresby riots. This revelation sent shockwaves through the nation, drawing sharp criticism from notable figures, including former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill. Known for his outspoken nature, O’Neill condemned the exploitation of a noble initiative for what he described as the largest and most sophisticated money laundering scheme in PNG's history.

O’Neill, while expressing support for the initiative's infrastructure goals and Prime Minister James Marape's developmental aspirations, couldn't hide his dismay at the blatant misuse of taxpayer money and donor contributions. Among the questionable transactions was a K13 million payment to Ipwenz Construction, a company owned by a figure previously caught in a controversial incident involving cash transportation with Marape's son. This incident, among others, painted a grim picture of prioritization, where political affiliations seemingly dictated the flow of substantial public funds at the expense of critical national needs.

The former Prime Minister's critique extended beyond specific payments, touching on the broader implications of such practices for PNG's democratic and economic fabric. He lambasted the government's apparent indifference to the plight of ordinary Papua New Guineans and the prioritization of political allegiances over public welfare. The misuse of Connect PNG as a conduit for enriching political allies on a day marked by national distress—the Port Moresby riots—was particularly galling. It underscored a disturbing breach of trust between the government and its citizens, who are increasingly wary of the regime's motives and actions.

O’Neill's call for accountability resonated across PNG, highlighting the urgent need for transparency in governmental operations. His assertions about the systematic diversion of funds through Connect PNG not only questioned the integrity of current development initiatives but also raised concerns about the sustainability of the nation's economic policies. The scandal serves as a poignant reminder of the challenges facing anti-corruption efforts in PNG, where political will and institutional reforms are critical to restoring public confidence in governance.

As PNG grapples with the fallout from these revelations, the Connect PNG scandal stands as a testament to the complex interplay between development aspirations and governance realities. The controversy not only challenges the current administration's commitment to transparency and accountability but also calls into question the viability of future infrastructure projects. For a nation striving to balance economic development with equitable governance, the unfolding drama around Connect PNG may well be a defining moment in its pursuit of a more connected, transparent, and accountable future.

James Marape was born on April 24, 1971, in Tari, Hela Province (formerly part of Southern Highlands Province), Papua New Guinea. His educational journey took him through Minj Primary School and Kabiufa Adventist Secondary School in the PNG highlands. He later graduated with a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Papua New Guinea in 1993 and obtained a postgraduate Honours Degree in Environmental Science in 2000 ¹.

Ministerial Roles

Marape's political career has been marked by significant ministerial roles:

1. Minister of Education (2008–2011):
 During this period, he contributed to shaping education policies and programs in Papua New Guinea.
 His tenure focused on improving access to quality education for all citizens.

2. Minister of Finance (2012–2019):

   - Marape's time as Finance Minister was notable for its duration.
   - However, it became infamous when he resigned, alleging corruption within the O'Neill government.
   - His resignation was dramatic and public, positioning him as a whistleblower against corruption.
   - Despite this, he failed to provide concrete evidence or file formal complaints against the alleged
     corruption, leading to skepticism about the sincerity of his claims.

3. Minister of Foreign Affairs (2023–present):

   - In his current role, Marape represents Papua New Guinea on the international stage.
   - His decisions and actions impact diplomatic relations and foreign policy.

 The Laguna Camp Turmoil
Marape's political maneuvers during the Laguna camp were both intriguing and controversial:

1. Prime Ministerial Aspirations:
   - Initially, Marape stated that he had no interest in becoming Prime Minister.
   - However, during the Laguna camp, he unexpectedly positioned himself as a candidate for the top position, hoping to attract support.
   - Unfortunately, he fell short of securing the required majority.

2. Deceptive Agreement with William Duma:

   - Marape signed an agreement offering William Duma the Prime Minister's position.
   - This agreement was sanctified by a prayer in the presence of notable political figures.
   - However, as soon as it served its purpose of attracting Duma's supporters, Marape reneged on the agreement.

3. Secret Ballot and Endorsement:
   - The secret ballot held in the Laguna camp revealed the intricacies of Marape's political strategies.
   - Although he lost the vote to Patrick Pruaitch, he seemingly conceded by endorsing Pruaitch for Prime Minister.
   - However, his political machinations continued, leaving observers puzzled.

 Betrayal and Opportunistic Alliances

Marape's ascent to power is framed by a series of strategic allegiances and betrayals:

1. PNC Support and Dismissal:
   - Marape secured the position of Prime Minister with the support of the People's National Congress (PNC), the very party he later dismissed upon his first anniversary in office.
   - This move was viewed as a stark betrayal, not only to the PNC but to all those who had supported him in the past.
   - It suggests a pattern of opportunistic alliances and broken promises.

2. Credibility and Moral Compass:

   - The portrayal of Marape is one of a politician whose actions are driven by self-interest, ambition, and an apparent willingness to exploit both personal relationships and political dynamics to achieve his goals.
   - Serious concerns about his credibility and the moral compass guiding his leadership persist.

 James Marape's political journey is complex, marked by both achievements and controversies. Whether he is viewed as a dedicated leader or a self-serving opportunist depends on one's perspective. His actions continue to shape Papua New Guinea's political landscape, leaving a lasting impact on the nation's future ⁴.

Despite claims of holding the position of Corporate Services Director, he seriously lacks demonstrable experience as a qualified officer within the organization. A comprehensive review of his work profile during this alleged tenure is recommended. This will compare what he actually stated in his Resume. This amounts to Lack of Relevant Work Experience that disqualifies him at a moral level. 

Serious concerns surround allegations of financial impropriety. The reported defrauding of estimated K10 million within a period of eleven months (February 2023 - January 2024) necessitates a thorough investigation by the relevant authorities. These are monies that belong to CEPA’s recurrent and operational money, donor funded projects, and Environment Permit Holders’ deposits. No financial reports have been given to respective authorities and parties. He has been signing cheques to his own names too.  All leave warrant funds were misused in 2023 resulting in officers not paid their bi-annual leave entitlements, for instance. Hence, the Misappropriation of Funds will widen if he is appointed. These are provided for in the Police Fraud, ICAC and Ombudsmen Commission lodgments.

Mr. Tukulyia’s appointment to the position of Corporate Services Director reportedly bypassed established procedures and minimum requirements per the Public Service Management Act, CEPA Act and other administrative apparatus. It was the work of the former Minister, Sir John Pundari because Tukulyia is his core political pimp in their district, Kompiam Ambum. He was only bearing the title of the Corporate Services Director. The portfolio was removed from him and parked under the Deputy Managing Director's office. Former Deputy MD and current MP for Kerowagi Hon Dilu Muguwa can afirm this.

Additionally, in his tenure as acting MD, allegations of nepotism are concerned with him employing family and relatives as highly paid consultants without proper vetting or documented qualifications. They are paid cash and not through the IFMS or Kundu Pei system to avoid traceability. The number of Engans and Simbus working at CEPA as short term contractors is more than the establishment itself of 192 positions. Added expensive consultants are hired to review staff and management briefs, and industry and intergovernmental correspondents. You read that right!! Review Consultants laughing at the bank at the demise of CEPA and staff welfare. Trust, Moral, confidence has jumped out of the 7-floor building. Low productivity has hit a different level of bottom. Adding fuel to the fire and salt to the fire-wounds, Tukulyia has appointed  uncertified and unqualified people to the Finance Manager positions, Human Resource Positions and other senior managerial positions. For instance, Finance, Revenue and HR managers are all graduates of some Theological colleges in preaching. Their substantive score is Grade 8, which is the 2nd lowest in CEPA's pay grade scale, who are now occupying grade 12 positions. The lowest point of CEPA since Department of Environment and Conservation Days has been the past 12 months and continuing. This Irregular Appointment Process and day light Nepotism is publicly promoted with no shame.

There is evidence of Unauthorized Appointment undermining the appointment authority of NEC as per RSA 2017, PSMA and CEPA Act 2014. The reported appointment of Michael Kaiglo Bongro as Acting Deputy MD, an individual who contested the 2022 General Election under electoral commission registered candidate number 77 while holding a position within CEPA, raises significant concerns regarding adherence to proper protocol and potential conflicts of interest. Although this has been reported to DPM, no action has been taken. This is unfair to other public servants like the Medical Doctors who could not come back to Public Service regardless of the critical need until after 5 years. What is special about Michael Kaiglo Dagema Bongro? The subsequent financial burden of K146,000 (refer to 2024 national budget paper under CEPA) incurred by CEPA due to this unauthorized appointment requires further examination. It's the first of its kind since CEPA was established in 1985 as the Dept of Environment & Conservation. 

Leaders and Managers have the capacity to read technical and non-technical correspondences with ease and communicate the same. The regretful situation at CEPA is that Mr Tukuklyia has communication Deficiencies leaking to Misuse of Resources, especially financial. Jude's shortcomings in English comprehension necessitate clarification. Heavily Relying on expensive consultants to review CEPA communications (briefs from staff and management, Environment Permit Holders and intergovernmental correspondences) raises concerns about the efficient use of operational funds. The reported selection of consultants based on provincial origin rather than qualifications merits investigation. Those who have had speaking in high level conferences know him well. He avoids those meetings. funny character. 

The Operational funds and donor-funded project monies have been depleted through unnecessary consultancy contracts that require a comprehensive audit. Recurrent and Operational funds are those paid by Environment Permit Holders, development partners like JICA, GEF, UNDP, UNEP and so forth. These funds support the management of Environment Compliance Monitoring and Biodiversity Conservation initiatives. The lack of transparency and accountability surrounding these expenditures is troubling. Instead of driving Organisational vehicles, a huge fleet of Toyota Landcruisers – troopers, v8 SUVS, etc – have been hired since he commenced as acting MD in February 2023. The total per month is anyone’s guess. By the end of September 2023, money ran dry in the CEPA bank accounts. All cheques raised to clients were denied by banks because of insufficient funds. Even the K2 million that was given to CEPA in December 2023 by the national government disappeared by 2^nd week of January. 2024. Department of Finance officers from the consolidated revenue division can confirm the transaction details. Troubling is an understatement.

The Inadequate Investigation into Allegations is a matter of concern. The reported filing of formal complaints with the Fraud Squad, ICAC, and Ombudsman Commission, followed by an apparent lack of updates or action, necessitates a review of these agencies' handling of the allegations. These reports were lodged in July 2023. Hence, the Potential Lapses in Due Diligence. Tukulyia's reported ability to bypass established screening processes conducted by the Department of Personnel Management (DPM) and Public Service Commission (PSC) warrants investigation. Reason being the above allegations and reports were submitted to these two organisations and to the Office of the Chief Secretary.

DO NOT BELIEVE IN ANY PAID MEDIA DRESSING LATELY ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF:

1.      Environment Council - Was recruited before his time in 2022. Was waiting Cabinet’s approval. That’s not his work. Jude Tukulyia and Michael Bongro were corrected by EC members and was asked to retract the first news article. 

2.      Protect Area Bill – Bill was before DJAG & CLC. He was never part of any work related to this bill drafting or workshops. The purported media release through a small time online francis by his own tribesmen can't give you the accolades because the brains of Conservation in PNG and development partners spent 15 years to develop this.  

He is so desperate trying to gain favor over past MD's work. He actually failed to deliver on the 3 KPAs he signed up for initially as per the gazettal notification.

3.   CEPA Restructure – No Restructure happened. Expensive Consultants, Ms Asa Awiata, recent former CEPA HRM Manager and her husband, were engaged but no results to date after 1 year.

4.      Moitaka Housing Project – He failed and colluded with his cronies and issued titles to private individuals and companies. This needs further investigations. He has engaged an expensive consultant, Jeffrey Kamen, who has no academic qualifications to lead the project. Another expensive contract for street buddies.  

3. CEPA BOARD NOT ESTABLISHED. Expensive Consultants walked away with hundreds of thousands of Kina with no product. He and his pimps cannot go on social media to promote what is not there.  

CALL FOR ACTION…. MARAPE ROSSO NEC CABINET

DEAR National Executive Councils alas Cabinet,

The aforementioned allegations constitute serious breaches of conduct and raise concerns regarding the candidate's suitability for the position of CEPA Managing Director. A comprehensive and impartial investigation is essential to ensure transparency and accountability within the organization and the recruitment of a Fit & Proper Candidate for the MD Position.

Honorable Ministers, you will have to do the most honorable thing by appointing either of the two technically and academically qualified candidates in the short list you have before you. Messers Maino Virobo and Michael Wau. Both are qualified. Save this sinking ship!

Dear Prime Minister,

Messers Wau and Maino will deliver your Climate Change and Biodiversity Conservation policy roadmap. They will also deliver on the bigger economic projects like LNG and Mining projects because both are technocrats and outstanding leaders. They’ve been overlooked for far too long over the years. You now have the best two to choose from. Seek your Mining Minister, Hon Dilu Muguwa's views first. He was CEPA's first recent past Deputy Managing Director. 

In recent discussions surrounding the establishment of a gold refinery in Papua New Guinea (PNG), concerns have been raised regarding various aspects of the proposed project. Spearheaded by foreign investors, the initiative has sparked debates over ownership, exclusivity, tax concessions, underwriting, management rights, control over currency, legal protections, and historical failures. These concerns, if unaddressed, could potentially undermine the interests of PNG and its people, particularly the hardworking alluvial miners who form the backbone of the nation's mining sector.

At the heart of the issue lies the question of ownership. The proposed ownership structure, favoring foreign investors with a substantial 70% stake, raises eyebrows, especially considering PNG's past experiences with failed ventures like seabed mining. Instead of ceding majority control to foreign entities, many argue that PNG should assert full ownership over the refinery. With the country's financial capabilities and the lessons learned from previous setbacks, PNG stands in a position to take charge of its resources and investments.

Exclusivity clauses in the proposed project have also drawn criticism. Granting foreign-owned companies exclusive rights for lengthy periods, with the possibility of renewals, threatens to monopolize the market and disadvantage local miners. Such arrangements, reminiscent of historical exploitation, risk perpetuating inequities and hindering the growth of small-scale mining operations in PNG.

Moreover, concerns have been raised regarding tax concessions offered to foreign entities. At a time when PNG grapples with mounting debts and foreign exchange challenges, granting substantial tax breaks to a foreign monopoly seems counterintuitive and shortsighted. The economic repercussions of such concessions could further strain the country's financial stability.

Additionally, the proposition for PNG to underwrite the project, assuming liabilities in the event of failures, poses significant risks. Not only does this place undue financial burdens on the country, but it also diminishes local control over the project's operations and outcomes.

Furthermore, the granting of management rights to foreign investors, coupled with PNG's underwriting of their failures, raises questions about the project's governance and accountability. Allowing foreigners to dictate management decisions while PNG assumes the risks is a disconcerting prospect that undermines local sovereignty and autonomy.

The project's potential impact on PNG's currency and economic policies cannot be overlooked. Entrusting control of the country's monetary system to foreign entities poses risks to national sovereignty and economic stability, jeopardizing PNG's long-term interests.

Equally troubling is the proposal to create a separate police unit controlled by foreign investors to protect their interests. Such measures could undermine local law enforcement and regulatory frameworks, further entrenching foreign dominance in the sector.

Moreover, the proposed legal protections for the project raise concerns about transparency and accountability. By superseding existing laws and limiting future legislative oversight, the project could potentially shield foreign investors from scrutiny and perpetuate inequalities in resource management.

In light of these concerns, it is imperative for PNG to revisit the proposed gold refinery project and prioritize local ownership and fairness. Drawing lessons from past failures, such as the Metal Resource Operation (MRO), PNG should explore alternative approaches that empower local stakeholders and safeguard the interests of alluvial miners.

By investing in cost-effective alternatives, such as minting its own coins and bars, PNG can assert greater control over its resources while promoting economic development and self-sufficiency. Collaboration with experts and stakeholders, including individuals like Justin Parker, who advocate for the welfare of alluvial miners, is essential in charting a path forward that benefits PNG and its people.

In conclusion, the fight against the proposed Gold Refinery and Bullion Bill should continue until PNG secures full ownership of the project and ensures equitable benefits for all stakeholders, particularly the hardworking alluvial miners who contribute significantly to the nation's economy. It is only through collective efforts and a commitment to fairness and transparency that PNG can realize its full potential and thrive in the global mining industry.

Please watch this video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JKnD5J_u_rk

MRDC, a unit holder in PBF, had taken legal action against the National Court's decision to dismiss its case, arguing that the court had no jurisdiction to hear the matter. However, the Supreme Court disagreed and held that MRDC's appeal was nothing more than an attempt to interfere with the police's criminal investigative process.

The court found that MRDC had no authority to conducted its own investigation into the activities of the Melanesian Trustee Services Limited (MTSL), the fund manager of PBF, and that its actions were in violation of the Trust Deed and the Securities Act. The court also noted that MRDC's managing director, Augustine Mano, had a vested interest in the case as he held 10.5 million shares in MRDC.

The police had launched investigations into MRDC's dealings with landowner funds after MTSL executive chairman, John Sanday, lodged a complaint in 2017. Sanday alleged that MRDC and a private consulting firm, Zenith Strata Services (ZSS), had conspired to remove MTSL as the interim fund manager and trustee of PBF.

In its ruling, the Supreme Court emphasized that MRDC's actions were in breach of the trust deed and Securities Act and that the company had no right to interfere with the rights, powers, or discretions of the trustee and interim fund manager in their dealings with the trust fund. The court also found that MRDC's conspiracy to unlawfully remove MTSL as the interim fund manager and trustee was illegal and had the potential to cause injury to the name, occupation, trade, or reputation of MTSL.

The court's decision is a significant victory for MTSL and the people of Papua New Guinea, who have been victims of elite corruption in the past. At the crux of the matter lies the integrity of financial transactions and the accountability of corporate entities entrusted with managing landowner funds. The Supreme Court's decision to dismiss MRDC's appeal and permit ongoing police investigations into its affairs marks a pivotal moment in Papua New Guinea's legal landscape.

This comprehensive analysis delves into the intricacies of the case, examines the implications of the court's ruling, and explores the broader implications for corporate governance and regulatory compliance in the country.

The genesis of the legal dispute can be traced back to MRDC's involvement as a unit holder in the PBF, a financial entity entrusted with managing landowner funds. Concerns arose regarding MRDC's actions in initiating an inquiry into the activities of the Melanesian Trustee Services Limited (MTSL), the fund manager for PBF. Allegations of impropriety and mismanagement prompted MRDC to engage Zenith Strata Services (ZSS) to conduct investigations.

However, questions soon emerged about the legitimacy of MRDC's actions. It became apparent that MRDC lacked the requisite authority, such as board resolutions, to independently undertake such investigations. Moreover, doubts were raised regarding the credibility of the investigations conducted by ZSS, particularly concerning whether they were sanctioned by the Securities Commission of PNG (SECOM), the regulatory authority overseeing PNG's Capital Market.

In response to these developments, MTSL filed an official complaint with the police fraud squad, triggering criminal investigations into MRDC's affairs. The allegations focused on potential breaches of trust and fiduciary responsibilities in managing landowner funds entrusted to the PBF. MRDC, however, sought to halt these investigations through legal means, leading to a protracted legal battle that eventually reached the Supreme Court.

MRDC's appeal to halt the criminal investigations was met with resistance from both the National Court and subsequently, the Supreme Court. The courts dismissed MRDC's appeal, describing it as an "abuse of process." They emphasized the importance of respecting legal procedures and avoiding undue interference with law enforcement processes. By ordering MRDC to cover the legal costs incurred, the Supreme Court underscored the judiciary's commitment to upholding the rule of law and ensuring accountability within the corporate sector.

The court's decision carries significant implications for corporate governance and regulatory oversight in Papua New Guinea. It serves as a cautionary tale for corporations operating in the financial sector, highlighting the consequences of overstepping legal boundaries and attempting to obstruct regulatory scrutiny. Moreover, it reaffirms the authority of law enforcement agencies to investigate allegations of misconduct and financial impropriety, sending a clear message that no entity is above the law.

The implications of the court's decision extend beyond the immediate legal dispute between MRDC and regulatory authorities. At its core, the ruling underscores the importance of transparency, accountability, and responsible governance practices in managing financial institutions. It serves as a reminder to corporations operating in Papua New Guinea's financial sector of the consequences of disregarding regulatory requirements and attempting to circumvent regulatory oversight.

Furthermore, the case highlights the challenges facing regulatory authorities in ensuring compliance with regulatory standards and safeguarding the interests of stakeholders, particularly landowners who rely on funds managed by corporations like MRDC for their livelihoods. By upholding the authority of law enforcement agencies to investigate allegations of misconduct, the court reinforces public confidence in the integrity of the financial system.

In the broader context of corporate governance and regulatory compliance, the court's decision sets a precedent for accountability and transparency in Papua New Guinea's financial sector. It underscores the judiciary's role in upholding the rule of law and ensuring accountability within the corporate sector. Moreover, it serves as a catalyst for reforms aimed at strengthening regulatory oversight and enhancing corporate governance standards to prevent similar incidents in the future.

The Supreme Court's decision to uphold the dismissal of MRDC's appeal represents a significant victory for regulatory authorities and law enforcement agencies seeking to uphold the integrity of Papua New Guinea's financial system. It reaffirms the judiciary's commitment to upholding the rule of law and ensuring accountability within the corporate sector. Moving forward, the case serves as a catalyst for reforms aimed at enhancing transparency, accountability, and regulatory compliance in Papua New Guinea's financial sector, ultimately safeguarding the interests of stakeholders and promoting economic growth and development.

Elizabeth Genia, Acting Governor Bank of PNG (BPNG)

by MICHAEL JOSEPH PASSINGAN

The economy of Papua New Guinea (PNG) is at a crucial juncture. Despite some signs of recovery, the country faces several structural challenges that continue to impede its economic progress. The March 2024 Monetary Policy Statement from the Bank of Papua New Guinea sheds light on these issues, providing a comprehensive overview of the economic landscape and the policy responses being implemented to navigate through these turbulent times.

In 2023, PNG's economy grew by a modest 1.4%, a significant slowdown from the 5.2% growth witnessed in 2022. This tepid growth is largely attributed to delays in major projects and ongoing economic issues that have not been fully resolved. The anticipated growth for 2024 is around 3.0%, buoyed by the resumption of production at the Porgera gold mine. While this marks an improvement, it remains subdued compared to the potential of this resource-rich nation.

One of the most pressing challenges for PNG has been the persistent shortages in foreign exchange. This has been a critical barrier, stymieing business operations and discouraging foreign investment. Companies struggle to repatriate profits and import necessary goods, which in turn affects their ability to operate efficiently and expand. The central bank has recognized this issue and is working towards a solution through exchange rate adjustments and other monetary policy tools, but the path to normalcy is fraught with complexity and uncertainty.

The depreciation of the kina, while a strategic move to make PNG's exports more competitive, has side effects. It increases the cost of imports, thereby pushing up prices domestically — a phenomenon observed with rising inflation rates, which climbed to 3.9% by the end of 2023. The central bank anticipates further inflationary pressures as the kina continues to adjust, and this expected increase in inflation has necessitated a tightening of monetary policy, which may further strain the economy.

Global economic dynamics also play a significant role in PNG's economic fortunes. The country's reliance on exports like gold, copper, and oil means that it is vulnerable to fluctuations in global commodity prices and demand. Moreover, tightening monetary policies in other parts of the world and geopolitical tensions can lead to reduced global growth forecasts, as noted in the policy statement, which could dampen demand for PNG’s exports.

The domestic scene is no less challenging. January 2024 witnessed civil unrest that led to the looting and burning down of shops, further destabilizing the economic environment. Such incidents not only disrupt daily business activities but also deter future investment. Additionally, infrastructure deficits, particularly in power and water supply, exacerbate the situation, increasing the cost of doing business and affecting the overall productivity of the economy.

In response to these myriad challenges, the government and the central bank have embarked on several initiatives. The shift towards greater exchange rate flexibility and the steps towards restoring kina convertibility are aimed at alleviating some of the foreign exchange market pressures. Furthermore, the central bank’s decision to tighten monetary policy reflects a commitment to stabilizing prices and strengthening the economy's fundamentals.

The recovery path for PNG is laden with obstacles, but there are also opportunities. The resumption of operations at the Porgera gold mine and other similar ventures are expected to inject much-needed vitality into the economy. The central bank’s forecast of a rebound in growth rates to 4.4% by 2025 reflects an optimism that is contingent on the successful implementation of ongoing reforms and improvements in the global economic landscape.

Papua New Guinea's economy is at a crossroads, facing significant internal and external pressures that hinder its recovery. The central bank’s detailed monetary policy statement provides a roadmap of the challenges and the strategies in place to overcome them. For observers and stakeholders, understanding these dynamics is crucial as PNG strives to unlock its vast potential and ensure a prosperous future for its citizens. The journey is long and fraught with challenges, but with persistent and informed policy measures, recovery and stability are within reach.

Papua New Guinea (PNG), a nation blessed with abundant natural resources, continues to grapple with economic challenges that belie its potential wealth. The nation's economic narrative is a paradox—rich in resources yet burdened by poverty. The explanation for this paradox lies not only in economic mismanagement but also in deep-seated corruption that has permeated the political landscape since independence in 1975.

Following its independence from Australia, PNG was entrusted to leaders who lacked a vision for a holistic national development. This absence of foresight is evident from the lack of long-term development plans that could have distributed the country’s wealth fairly across all regions and communities. Successive governments failed to establish foundational strategies such as building satellite townships or creating robust rural housing schemes. Instead, they resorted to short-term, reactive measures that did not foster sustainable growth.

The nascent leadership quickly recognized the power and opportunities afforded by access to significant public funds. This newfound wealth was a departure from their humble beginnings, and it didn't take long for a culture of greed to take root. In PNG, this phenomenon became known as the "money big man culture," where wealth and authority are concentrated in the hands of a few, often above the law. Leaders began to misuse and siphon off public funds to maintain their lavish lifestyles, thereby setting a precedent for corruption that persists to this day.

Politics in PNG has increasingly been seen not as a service to the public but as a means to amass personal wealth. This transformation has had dire consequences for the political landscape, including the rise of corruption, violence, and election fraud. The political arena has become a lucrative business, attracting individuals more interested in personal gain than in the welfare of the populace.

The entrenched corruption has led to the creation of networks of cronies and bureaucrats who facilitate the diversion of funds from public projects to private pockets. This systemic graft is supported by the "wantok" system—akin to nepotism—which furthers personal over public interests. Each new government brings its cadre of associates, perpetuating a cycle of corruption that has become almost institutional in nature.

Leaders have sought quick profits by exploiting natural resources, often providing tax incentives to multinational corporations at the expense of other sectors like agriculture, which is vital for local subsistence and employment. This short-sighted economic policy has resulted in environmental degradation and has not led to significant improvements in the standard of living for the average citizen.

Despite the billions in revenue from resources like oil, gold, and timber, there has been little to no improvement in the living conditions in the areas where these resources are extracted. Places like the Hela province, rich in oil, still lack basic amenities such as electricity and water. This stark disparity highlights the failure of wealth distribution and the inefficacy of development policies.

PNG stands at a crossroads. The path it has been on for decades has led to stagnation and increasing inequality. A new direction requires confronting and dismantling the entrenched systems of corruption. This involves not only legal and political reforms but also a cultural shift towards valuing transparency and accountability.

The need for change is urgent. The country’s vast resources could fuel significant development and dramatically improve the quality of life for its people. However, without addressing the root causes of corruption, any economic gains will likely be ephemeral and unevenly distributed.

The current generation in PNG faces a monumental choice: continue down the path set by its forebears, or forge a new one that promises a fairer, more prosperous future. It is imperative that citizens demand more from their leaders and actively participate in reshaping their country’s political landscape. International partners and local stakeholders must prioritize good governance and help build institutions that can withstand the pressures of corruption.

For PNG to escape the cycle of poverty and corruption, it requires a concerted effort from all sectors of society to demand and implement sweeping changes. Only then can it hope to utilize its natural riches to generate real prosperity for all its citizens.